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Praise for
RIVAL POWER
“It would be good to say that this book is a valuable addition to the canon. It is not. When it comes to the issue of Russia, the Balkans, and the wider region of Southeastern Europe, it is the canon, because no one else has written about it. Dimitar Bechev is the right author of the right book at the right time.”
Tim Judah, Balkans correspondent, The Economist
“For the new ‘Great Game’ of geopolitical competition, look above all to the Balkans, a region where the impact of Russian energy, soft power, and covert operations are all at their strongest. This excellent book is the best primer yet to this unfolding struggle; a scholarly, sympathetic, and realistic analysis of the present situation and likely future developments that deserves to be read widely and carefully.”
Mark Galeotti, head of the Center for European Security,
Institute of International Relations, Prague
“Russia is back in the Balkans and ideology has little to do with it. In this engaging book, Dimitar Bechev argues that revival of Russia’s influence in the region was made possible by its pragmatism and tough-minded pursuit of material gains. Those viewing Russia as the new ideological warrior will be challenged in their beliefs.”
Andrei P. Tsygankov, professor of international relations,
San Francisco State University
“This timely and insightful analysis takes the Russian challenge to the stability of Southeast Europe seriously, and shows its limitations, despite the abundant opportunities created by local miscreants.”
Pavel Baev, Nonresident Senior Fellow, Brookings Institution,
and Research Professor, Peace Research Institute, Oslo
“At the time when it is fashionable to sound alarmist on Russia’s return to the Balkans, Rival Power provides a clear-eyed assessment of the opportunities and significant limits for Russia’s power in the region.”
Vladimir Frolov, foreign affairs columnist, Republic.ru
“Once written off as a fading actor in a region ever more integrated with the EU, Russia is now playing an increasingly disruptive role in Southeast Europe. Drawing on his innate understanding of the area, and an unmatched knowledge of the region’s languages, Dimitar Bechev looks beyond the stereotypical explanations for this Russian resurgence and investigates the hard political calculations at play. This is a truly excellent, and highly readable, account of how Moscow is trying to extend its influence across the Balkans, Greece, Cyprus, and Turkey.”
James Ker-Lindsay, Senior Visiting Fellow, London School of
Economics and Political Science
“Dimitar Bechev’s book possesses the rare quality of being the work of a seasoned and insightful scholar, but also of someone who appreciates the exciting twists and turns of Russia’s dramatic relationship with the Balkans. Rival Power is very well written and dispenses with several persistent myths, especially one that views countries of the region and their leaders as ‘victims’ of Moscow’s preying. A thrilling and stark exposé of Russia’s masterful use of a limited political arsenal to further its goals.”
Konstantin Eggert, commentator and host, TV Rain, Moscow
“Rival Power is a very timely and comprehensive book, written by one of the most accomplished observers of the international relations of the Russian Federation since its inception. It is written in a concise and clear language, masterfully relaying the gradual reemergence of Russia as a new (old) challenge to the West in the Balkans and the Black Sea. A must reading for those who wish to make sense of the recent developments in international politics.”
Mustafa Aydın, professor at Kadir Has University, Istanbul
“Dimitar Bechev’s groundbreaking work on Southeast Europe vividly demonstrates how Vladimir Putin exploits the West’s distractions. This book documents a revisionist Kremlin’s efforts to disrupt the reform and integration process in the Western Balkans, and in turn sow doubts about the future of the European project and US leadership. Bechev’s research also makes clear that Russia offers no viable alternative to the European Union and United States in Southeast Europe, while serving as a warning that, if left unchecked, Russian mischief-making could lead to conflict in the region.”
Damon Wilson, executive vice president of the Atlantic Council
“In times when conspiracy theories are in full blossom, this is a sober, historically informed, cogently argued, and well-documented analysis of Russia’s influence in Southeast Europe. Very much worth reading.”
Loukas Tsoukalis, professor of European integration, University
of Athens, and president of the Hellenic Foundation
for European and Foreign Policy
Copyright © 2017 Dimitar Bechev
All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press) without written permission from the publishers.
For information about this and other Yale University Press publications, please contact:
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Printed in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall
Library of Congress Control Number: 2017943875
ISBN 978-0-300-21913-5
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To my children, Emanuil, Anthony, and Sophia
CONTENTS
List of Maps and Figures
Acknowledgments
A Note on Transliteration
List of Abbreviations
Introduction: An Empire Returns
PART I Russia and the Countries of Southeast Europe
1The Balkans Rediscovered: Russia and the Breakup
of Yugoslavia
2Meddling in Europe’s Backyard: Russia and the
Western Balkans
3Across the Black Sea: Bulgaria and Romania
4Friends with Benefits: Greece and Cyprus
5The Russian–Turkish Marriage of Convenience
PART II Areas of Russian Influence
6From a Military Standoff to Hybrid Warfare
7Playing the Energy Card
8The Allure of Russia’s Might
Epilogue: Russia’s Influence – What’s It All About?
Appendices
Notes
Select Bibliography
Index
MAPS AND FIGURES
Maps
1.The Burgas–Alexandroupolis oil pipeline and the Belene nuclear power plant.
2.Blue Stream.
3.Blue Stream, TurkStream, and the Akkuyu nuclear power plant.
4.Southern Corridor.
5.South Stream.
6.Gas transit infrastructure in Southeast and Central Europe.
Figures
1.EU/Russia share in external trade in goods, 2015.
2.Key UN Security Council resolutions endorsed by Russia.
3.Import dependence on Russia (% of domestic consumption).
4.Gazprom LTC prices ($/1,000 cubic meters).
5.Russian oil companies in Southeast Europe.
6.Gas as a percentage of primary energy consumption, 2013.
7.Imports of Russian gas, 2005/2015 (bcm).
8.Russian gas deliveries to Southeast Europe (bcm).
9.Political parties in Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece – attitudes to Russia.
10.Select pro-Russian websites in Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece.
11.Serbian public opinion and Russia.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book
is the product of more than three years of work. It was originally conceived after a research trip to Moscow in May 2013 that I took with a co-conspirator, Andrew Wilson, at the time we shared an affiliation with the European Council on Foreign Relations. Although our report on the decline of Gazprom never saw the light of day, much of the content ultimately found its way into Andy’s masterful account of the Ukraine crisis and, now, in this volume. The idea of writing a book on Russia in Southeast Europe picked up speed only in the watershed moment that was the spring and summer of 2014. In the process of conducting research and drafting the text, I benefited from the incredible hospitality of a number of institutions, drawing vast amounts of knowledge and inspiration from fellow scholars across disciplines.
The project began in earnest in the academic year of 2014–15, which I spent as a fellow at LSEE, the unit at the London School of Economics specializing in the politics and economics of Southeast Europe. I owe a special debt to James Ker-Lindsay, Tena Prelec, and to Spyros Economides (who, many moons ago, examined my DPhil thesis at Oxford). Exceptionally kind hosts as well as dear friends, they all helped me reinvent myself as an academic, following a stint in the policy world. Together with James and Othon Anastasakis of Southeast European Studies at Oxford (SEESOX), a program with which I was affiliated between 2002 and 2009, I had the pleasure to co-convene a conference on Russia’s involvement in the Balkans.
The bulk of the writing was done at Harvard University, where I spent more than a year at the Center for European Studies. I am grateful to Elaine Papoulias, a long-time friend who shares my passion for the politics of Turkey and the Balkans, to the CES director Grzegorz Ekiert, and to all fellows of the center whose generosity was only matched by their intellectual depth. My gratitude extends also to the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, whose seminar series provided an excellent opportunity to present my work. Many thanks to Mark Kramer, Rawi Abdelal, and to Lenore Martin who tirelessly co-pilots the Turkish Studies Seminar, as well as to the Post-Communist Politics Working Group, especially Dmitry Gorenburg and Nadiya Kravets. At Harvard, I was privileged to get to know Joseph Nye whose scholarship I have admired since my undergraduate days and who helped sharpen my thinking about the project I had embarked upon. Last but not least, I am thankful to the Center for Slavic, Eurasian, and East European Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, and particularly to Milada-Anna Vachudová and Adnan Džumhur.
The list of people to whom I owe thanks is unmanageably long and includes colleagues who invited me as a speaker, chaired my talks, or were fellow panelists; those who were kind enough to read the chapters and provide critical feedback and advice; and, of course, those who spared the time to talk to me about the multitude of subjects I address in the book. There follows a list of names, in no particular order: Tim Judah, Amanda Paul, Damir Marušić, Wojcieh Ostrowski, Eamonn Butler, Iver Neumann, Roy Allison, Florian Bieber, Kerem Öktem, Vladimir Frolov, Nicu Popescu, Kalypso Nicolaidis, Cahtryn Clüver, Mesut Özcan, Bill Park, Alina Inayeh, Suat Kınıklıoğlu, Paul Ivan, Plamen Petrov, Srdja Pavlović, Ioannis Grigoriadis, Illin Stanev, Tolga Bölükbaşı, Martin Vladimirov, Pavel Anastasov, Josip Glaurdić, Suat Kınıklıoğlu, Vassilis Petsinis, Filip Ejdus, Ivan Krastev, Ilian Vassilev, Michael Taylor, Peter Pomerantsev, Konstantin Eggert, Miloš Damnjanović, Kyril Drezov, Margarita Assenova, Tom Junes, Andrey Makarychev, Hanna Shelest, Simon Saradzhyan, David Koranyi, John Herbst, Galip Dalay, Ulrich Speck, Ümit Sönmez, Angela Stent, Jeffrey Mankoff, Loukas Tsoukalis, Tolga Bölükbaşı, Orysia Lutsevych, Michael Werz, Dušan Spasojević, Şaban Kardaş, David Patrikarakos, and Julian Popov. Needless to say, the blame for any errors and omissions is all mine.
I would also like to extend my thanks to the anonymous peer reviewers at Yale University Press who read my proposal and then the final draft. This book owes a great deal to Taiba Batool, Senior Commissioning Editor at Yale, who supported me from the very outset and guided me through the process. A heartfelt “thank you” to her as well as to the rest of the production team, including Jennie Doyle, Melissa Bond, and Samantha Cross. My gratitude also goes to Richard Mason, who copy-edited the text with great care.
Lastly, this book would not have been possible without my wife, Galina, with whom I have been through a lot over those three years. It was she along my parents-in-law, Penka and Georgi, who shared the joy—and shouldered the demanding tasks—of raising three children and helped me see the manuscript through. I wish to dedicate this book also to our loving memory of Georgi.
A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION
I have rendered Russian words and names using the Romanization rules of the Library of Congress. The only exception is made for names already popularized with an alternative transliteration. Therefore, “Yeltsin” rather than “El’tsin”. The Library of Congress system is applied to Greek as well. Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin names appear with the original diacritics, as do the ones in Turkish.
ABBREVIATIONS
A2/AD
Anti-access/area denial
AES
Atomexportstroy
AKEL
Anorthōtikó Kómma Ergazoménou Laoú,
Progressive Party of the Working People (Cyprus)
AKP
Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and
Development Party (Turkey)
ANAP
Anavatan Partisi, Motherland Party (Turkey)
ANB
Agencija za nacijonalnu bezbednost, National
Security Agency (Montenegro)
ANEL
Anexártētoi Éllēnes, Independent Greeks
bcm
billion cubic meters (natural gas)
BIA
Bezbednosno-informativna agencija, Security and
Information Agency (Serbia)
BSEC
Black Sea Economic Co-operation
BSP
Bulgarian Socialist Party
BTC
Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan oil pipeline
CDR
Romanian Democratic Convention, Convenţia
Democrată Română
CSDP
Common Security and Defence Policy (EU)
CEF
Connecting Europe Facility (EU)
CIS
Commonwealth of Independent States
CSTO
Collective Security Treaty Organization
DANS
Dârzhavna agenciya za nacionalna sigurnost, State
Agency for National Security (Bulgaria)
DDoS
distributed denial of service
DEPA
Dēmósia Epiheirēsē Parohēs Aeríou, Public Gas
Corporation (Greece)
DISY
Dēmokratikós Synagermós, Democratic Rally
(Cyprus)
DS
Demokratska stranka, Democratic Party (Serbia)
DSS
Demokratska stranka Srbije, Democratic Party of
Serbia
DYP
Doğru Yol Partisi, True Path Party (Turkey)
EC
European Community
EDF
Électricitė de France
EEU
Eurasian Economic Union
EEZ
Exclusive economic zone
EPS
Elektroprivreda Srbije, Electrical Industry of Serbia
EU
European Union
FRY
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
FSB
Federal’naia sluzhba bezopasnosti, Federal Security
Service (Russia)
FSN
Frontul Salvării Naţionale, National Salvation
Front (Romania)
FTA
Free Trade Agreement
GECF
Gas Exporting Countries Forum
GDP
Gross Domestic Product
GERB
Grazhdani za evropeysko razvitie na Bâlgaria, br />
Citizens for the European Development of Bulgaria
GRU
Glavnoe razvedyvatel’noe upravlenie, Main
Intelligence Directorate (Soviet Union/Russia)
HDZ
Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, Croatian
Democratic Union
ICJ
International Court of Justice
ICTY
International Criminal Tribunal for Former
Yugoslavia
IFOR/SFOR
Implementation/Stabilization Force (NATO)
IGA
Intergovernmental Agreement
IPAP
Individual Partnership Action Plan (NATO)
ISIS
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
JNA
Jugoslovenska narodna armija, Yugoslav People’s
Army
KAP
Kombinat Aluminijuma Podgorica, Aluminum
Smelter Combine of Podgorica
KFOR
Kosovo Force (NATO)
KGB
Komitet gosudarstvennoi bezopasnosti, State
Security Committee
KKE
Kommounistikó kómma tēs Elládas, Communist
Party of Greece
KLA
Kosovo Liberation Army
KTB
Korportativna târgovska banka, Corporate
Commercial Bank